The struggle for democracy and freedom
in Syria is as old as the Ba'th dictatorship itself. Since 1963
there have been brave men and women who have risked their lives to
campaign peacefully for a return to democratic rule in Syria and the
reinstatement of a constitution which respects human rights and
upholds civil liberties.
That noble struggle was marred by violence
in 1980s which led to wide-scale clampdown on dissent by the Ba'th
regime using the much-feared secret police. As a result many of the
democratic movement's figureheads were arrested, some never to
emerge from jail alive.
The First Steps
The death of the dictator Hafiz Assad in
June 2000 gave a glimmer of hope that a process of political reform
may be about to begin, however tentatively. Intense political and
social debate flourished as groups of like-minded people met in
private houses to speak openly about the depressing state of affairs
in their country and ways to redress them.
Syrian opposition parties, most operating
illegally, were instrumental in orchestrating the growing voices
demanding democratic change. This period, marked by the spread of
political salons which developed into regulat forums for open
debate, extended from June 2000 till the autumn of 2001 and became
known as the Damascus Spring.
That Spring turned into a harsh winter
however, as the regime resorted to its tried and tested methods of
repression. The forums were forcibly closed down and many of the key
organizers imprisoned. Riad Seif was one of them.
Damascus Declaration
The Syrian opposition never gave up. On
October 2005 a number of opposition parties and independent figures
signed a document called the Damascus Declaration for National
Democratic Change. It was a set of principles designed to define the
course of the democratic movement in Syria and to outline the nature
of the state post-Ba'th. This document would form the intellectual
basis for the Syrian democratic movement as a whole.
The Declaration rejected all forms of
"cosmetic, partial, or circumspect reform by the current regime". It
called for "the opening of channels for a comprehensive and
equitable national dialogue among all the sections of the Syrian
people." In order to avoid charges of unpatriotism which are usually
levelled at the opposition, the Declaration rejected change "that is
brought from abroad" while stressed "the country's independence and
territorial integrity."
The Damascus Declaration also sought to
encourage initiatives for the re-engagement of society with politics
through the formation of committees, salons, forums, and bodies,
locally and throughout the country, to organize cultural, social,
political, and economic activities. It also called for a
"comprehensive national accord between opposition forces based on a
common and independent program, which charts the nature of the
transformation to a democratic Syria."
The Damascus Declaration regarded that
democracy can be brought into existence with "the election of a
Constituent Assembly that draws up a new Constitution for the country
that foils adventurers and extremists, and that guarantees the
separation of powers, safeguards the independence of the judiciary, and
achieves national integration by consolidating the principle of
citizenship."
The ultimate goal of the Damascus
Declaration was for the "the holding of free and honest
parliamentary elections that produce a fully legitimate national
regime that governs the country in accordance with the Constitution
and the laws that are in force, and on the basis of the view of the
political majority and its program."
Click here for official website of the Damascus Declaration for National Democratic Change
The chief driving force of the Damascus Declaration was Riad Seif, the ex-parliamentary deputy and successful industrialist and businessman who had endured five years in jail (2001-2005) for exposing a corruption case involving Bashar Assad's cousin.
The Damascus Declaration quickly achieved recognition as the chief umbrella group for all Syrian oppositionists. Its demands were seen to be moderate and in-keeping with nationalist principles. Its chief proponents were respected and "clean" figures who were never embroiled in violence or corruption. The Damascus Declaration was the ideal vehicle to unite opposition forces and drive the democratic movement forward.
In May 2006 the Movement for Justice and Development took the important step of signing the Damascus Declaration. It had thereby become bound by its principles for a free, democratic and pluralist Syria.
The move was significant on many levels, not least because of the resources and contacts that the MJD had carefully cultivated were invested in making the Damascus Declaration a stronger and more representative body. The MJD's presence inside and outside Syria also meant that the Damascus Declaration was able to overcome the regime-imposed policy of regional and international isolation.
The National Council
Some had complained that the Damascus Declaration was just that – a declaration, whose signatories were bound only by loose organizational ties and nothing more than a vague acceptance of the Declaration's principles. This led to regime organs, and some in the opposition camp, to dismiss the Damascus Declaration as a talking shop.
Whilst these charges were unfair given the extremely difficult circumstances endured by oppositionists inside Syria, there was a feeling that the Declaration needed to "up its game" and become more dynamic. At about this time, Riad Seif and other Damascus Declaration leaders were discretely touring the country, meeting with influential people and discussing how to take the democratic movement forward.
The result of meetings and consultations between all opposition sides was an understanding that the Damascus Declaration needed to move on to a new stage of opposition, one which will be marked by the consolidation of the Damascus Declaration's legitimacy as a bona fide representative of the will of the Syrian people.
After several failed attempts by the Syrian regime using its numerous secret police branches to intimidate leading oppositionists, a mass-meeting was held on 1 December 2007 at the home of Riad Seif. It was attended by 163 oppositionists, some representing others who could not make it to the meeting. The total number of oppositionists who were present or were deputized numbered 270.
The aim of the meeting was to launch the National Council, a body composed of those 270. The National Council included members drawn from every Syrian province and from every sect, ethnic group and political leaning including leftists, liberals, conservatives, Kurds and moderate Islamists.
The idea of the National Council was to act as a legitimizing body for the policies and activities of the political forces signed up to the Damascus Declaration. Some have identified it, not incorrectly, as a kind of shadow parliament to the B'ath-dominated and unrepresentative People's Assembly. The National Council would have the final say in decisions of strategic importance. Those groups signed up to the Damascus Declaration would have to abide by its democraticaly-taken decisions.
Click here to read the MJD's statement on the formation of the National Council
To stress its progressive nature, the National Council voted a woman, Dr. Fida al-Hawrani, as its president.
The National Council members also elected a 17-person General Secretariat to run its day-to-day affairs. This was a strong indication that the mood in the Syrian opposition was towards forming a working alternative to the regime. The General Secretariat was headed by Riad Seif, who was received unanimous support. It included among its members Muslims, Christians, Alawis and Kurds. It also brought to the fore a new generation of opposition leaders which was more in-tune with the demands of modern politics.
The General Secretariat members are:
Riad Seif, Ali al-Abdallah, Nawaf al-Bashir, Riad al-Turk, Muwafaq Neirbia, Suleiman Shummar, Samir Nashar, Yasser al-Eiti, Jibr al-Shufi, Nada al-Khush, Abdul-Ghani Ayash, Walid al-Bunni, Ghassan Najar, Abdul-Karim al-Dahak, in addition to two Kurds and one Assyria.
By any stretch of the imagination this was a giant leap for the democratic movement in Syria. No one had thought it possible that often disparate groups would get together and unite around not only a single agenda, but a democratic process which began with the National Council and, it is hoped, could grow to encompass the entire country.
The Clampdown
The Syrian regime was incensed by the opposition's open challenge. The Damascus Declaration members had not only congregated, they had created a representative body and voted-in a new and effective leadership.
The backlash began soon after the meeting of 1 December was held. On 9 December 30 National Council members were arrested and their homes raided. Some were released but many remained in custody. Over the following days more National Council members were arrested including Dr Yassir al-Eiti, who was also a member of the General Secretariat.
Akram al-Bunni, one of the National Council members, told one Western journalist: "They're concerned about public opinion. They don’t want anyone, internationally or internally, to see that there are public figures who might be an alternative to the regime."
The arrests were made by the State Security Service, one of the most notorious secret police branches in Syria. Their track record in arbitrary arrest and torture has been documented by a number of international human rights organization including Amnesty International.
Click here to read Amnesty International's 2007 human rights report on Syria.
The move by the Syrian regime to clampdown on dissent drew worldwide condemnation. A number of European Parliament members held a press conference on 12 December to express their outrage at the arrests.
Click here to read the statement issued by the EPP-ED group in the European Parliament.
President Bush issued a statement on 14 December condemning the arrests and calling for the immediate release of opposition activists. He also described the formation of the National Council as "an encouraging sign to all people who support freedom and democracy."
Click here to read the White House statement.
Advocacy group Freedom House issued a press release entitled "Syrian activists under siege", in which it accused the regime of "trying to conjure up some legal fiction to mask its blatant repression of any independent expression."
Click here to read the Freedom House press release.
The Trial
With the arrest of Marwan al-Ush on 15 January 08 the total number of Damascus Declaration leaders who remained in detention numbered eleven. They were:
Dr. Fida al-Hawrani (President of NationalCouncil)
Dr. Ahmad Ta'ma (Secretary of National Council)
Akram al-Bunni (Secretary of National Council)
Dr. Yasser al-Eiti (Member of Damascus
Declaration General Secretariat)
Ali al-Abdallah (Member of Damascus Declaration
General Secretariat)
Walid al-Bunni (Member of Damascus Declaration
General Secretariat)
Jali al-Shufi (Member of Damascus Declaration
General Secretariat)
Muhammed Haji Darwish (Member of National
Council)
Marwan al-Ush (Member of National Council)
Fayiz Sarah (Member of National Council)
That number would later rise to eleven as Talal Abu Dan, Member of National Council, was arrested on 30 January.
On 28 January the ten opposition leaders appeared before a criminal court at the Palace of Justice in Damascus headed by investigating judge Muhammad Subhi al-Sau'r.
Click here to read the story as broken by the MJD.
They were charged by the Syrian attorney-general with:
1- Weakening the national spirit and stirring
racism and sectarianism.
2- Weakening the national morale and damaging
the state's prestige.
3- Creating a group which aims to change the
economic and social structure of the state and the basic condition
of society.
4- Carrying out acts or writing material the
aim of which is to inflame sectarian or racist feelings or to
provoke conflict between the sects and the rest of the nation.
The detainees were firm in their rebuttal of these charges. They said that they supported peaceful and gradual democratic change. With regards to the Kurdish issue they said that they supported equal rights for all Syrian citizens without discrimination and that they were against any foreign intervention in internal matters and fully supported Syria's territorial unity.
In the courtroom, the ten detainees appeared frail and physically weak. They were also hungry and had to seek the permission of the judge to be allowed to eat simple sandwiches provided by their lawyers.
Many irregularities and breaches of human rights were recorded at this hearing. Orders were given to the police not to allow defence lawyers to speak to their clients despite being their legal representatives. The police did not refrain from using force with the lawyers to dissuade them from speaking with their clients. Families of those detainees were not allowed to enter the courtroom, some even being forcibly ejected from the Palace of Justice building.
Click here for a full report on abuse in detention.
Click here for a full report on irregularities in court.
One of the detainees, Ali al-Abdallah, appeared in court badly bruised and had cuts to his ear. So bad were his injuries that the judge had no choice but to order a doctor to see him. The doctor recommended that he be transferred to a specialist for further medical treatment. The other detainees confirmed that they had been subjected to physical and verbal abuse.
Throughout the hearing the ten detainees sat handcuffed. However, court attendees noted that their morale was high and that they smiled at family members as they caught glimpses of them while being led away out of the courtroom to Adra Central Prison where they are being held, sharing cells with drug dealers and gang-members.
Arrest of Riad Seif
On 28 January Riad Seif was arrested by five plain-clothed officers who identified themselves as being from the State Security branch. The following day he stood before the same investigating judge and in the same courtroom as his comrades. The charges levelled at him were exactly the same as those levelled against the ten other Damascus Declaration detainees the day before.
Seif strongly denied the charges. He said: "We are seekers of freedom. Today, we are in need of democracy because it is the only way to preserve the unity of the country, realize any progress and to bolster the state against foreign intervention."
He added: "We are not a secret society. All of our actions are public and we want to see democratic change in Syria in a calm and safe way. After that a constitutional assembly can be voted in from all sections of Syrian society and from all political forces, including the Ba'th Party, to formulate a new constitution which is suitable for the coming era."
Seif stressed national unity saying: "We are for the unity of the country as a territory and as a people. As for the Kurdish issue, we are for it to be solved within a national framework. Our Kurdish issue is not like that of Iraq."
He added: "We are against sectarianism. The election of Sunni Arab nationalist from Hama Fida al-Horani as president of the [Damascus Declaration] National Council, and the Kurdish Abdul-Hamid Darwish, the Alawi left-winger Abdul-Aziz al-Khayir and the liberal Christian Akram al-Bunni to the leadership of the Damascus Declaration proves this. Where then is the sectarianism?"
After this statement the judge ordered his remand at Adra Central Prison where his comrades were being held.
Click here to read more details on Seif's statements in court.
International Storm
The US State Department spokesman condemned Seif's arrest and demanded his immediate release. This was followed by a White House statement in which the arrest was deemed "an escalation of a long series of Syrian efforts to deny its citizens the internationally recognized rights of freedom of expression and association. The White House statement drew attention to the regime's refusal to allow Mr. Seif to travel abroad for medical treatment.
It is important to note that Seif suffers from advanced prostate cancer and heart problems. He had described his travel ban as a "slow death sentence."
Click here to read the statement of the US Department of State.
The White House statement added that "the Syrian regime continues to hold more than four thousand political prisoners, including ten of Seif's fellow members of the Damascus Declaration National Council."
Click here to read the White House statement.
The French Foreign Ministry spokeswoman condemned the arrest describing Seif as an "emblematic figure of international renown", and called on the Syrian government to "respect its international commitments, especially freedom of opinion guaranteed by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ratified by Syria in 1969."
Click here to read the French Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs statement.
The German Foreign Minister also expressed his anger at the arrest. Describing Seif as "a courageous advocate of greater democracy", he urged the Syrian authorities to release him "forthwith".
The German Foreign Ministry summoned Syria's ambassador to Berlin to demand the Seif's immediate release. The German Foreign Ministry spokesman said that "there is of course disappointment and anger on the side of the German Government; otherwise we would not have reacted in this way."
Click here to read the German Foreign Minister's statement.
EU parliamentarians too condemned the arrest. In a press release issued on 30 January eight MEPs spoke out against what they saw as "an unwarrented arrest".
Click here to read the press release of the EPP-ED Group of the European Parliament.
Human Rights Watch added its voice with an extended statement which highlighted not only the illegal nature of the arrests, but the abuse endured by the detainees. The organization's Middle East director said: "The Syrian authorities are treating these activists like criminals simply because they called for democratic and peaceful change."
HRW said that one detainee, `Ali al-Abdullah, was transferred on January 28 to a medical examiner to check his complaint that interrogators had injured his ear. The doctor declined to issue a report, saying that he was not a specialist in ear injuries. No investigation was reportedly opened in the allegations of ill-treatment.
Click here to read HRW statement.
MJD Spokesman: Regime wants to eliminate seed of democracy
The MJD has been very active in highlighting the dangers that face the course of the democratic movement in Syria if the regime is allowed to continue in its clampdown of dissenting voices.
In statements to the Los Angeles Times, MJD spokesman Ausama Monajed said that "the regime wants to eliminate any seed of democracy that could grow and endanger it. But with international pressure and growing local support, the opposition cannot be easily shut."
Monajed described the charges levelled at the Damascus Declaration detainees as "outrageously unfounded, tailor-made accusations" which represent "an attempt by the Syrian regime to forestall the development of a strong pro-democracy movement in the country."
Click here to read the Los Angeles Times article in full.
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